His sensitivity about this was apparent to others. Delegate Antonio de Guzman later recalled that Macapagal, as convention chief, was "very careful not to alienate delegates who might otherwise move for the vacancy of his position."

Still, when the crunch came, Macapagal had an opportunity to play the hero. On Sept. 24, 1972, just a few days after Marcos declared martial law, Macapagal met with 20 delegates, among them the late Ramon Diaz, to decide what to do. Years after, Diaz would tell this reporter that the delegates decided to adjourn the convention.

Diaz recalled that Macapagal seemed reluctant to suspend the convention. "Macapagal said we would be able to withstand all pressures even during martial law," Diaz said in a 1984 interview.

Foiled game plan

Diosdado Macapagal, father of President Arroyo (left) ,hands over new constitution to Marcos (right). Macapagal, who headed the convention could have resigned and damaged the Marcos regime's credibility. He did no such thing.

Nevertheless, the delegates agreed to recess the convention and worked out a game plan. At the start of the next day's session, Macapagal, as convention president, would call on Diaz, the steering council chair, to set the day's agenda. Diaz would quickly file a motion to recess, which Macapagal would immediately approve by banging the gavel before anyone else could intervene.

That never happened. The next day, Macapagal didn't call Diaz, instead opening the floor to a debate on whether or not to recess. One of the delegates, Teofisto Guingona Jr., said Macapagal entertained so many objections "from Malacañang boys" that in the end, the motion to adjourn was voted down.

Before martial law was imposed, Macapagal had proclaimed, "I am resolved to exhaust all my remaining lights and energies to give meaning and reality to my oath as delegate and convention president to uphold the independence of the convention." Unfortunately, despite his assurances that the ConCon could continue functioning independently even under martial law, subsequent events showed who the real boss was.

Marcos was soon promising the convention delegates automatic membership in the Interim National Assembly if they approved the transitory provisions. He made the same promise to all congressmen and senators who expressed their desire, in writing, to serve in the assembly. One of those congressmen - a man from the opposition Liberal Party named Jose de Venecia Jr. - immediately signed a statement praising the "sweeping Marcos reforms, which coincided with the reformist goals of the opposition."

(Now Speaker of the House, de Venecia is among the major proponents of charter change and has made no secret of his wish to have an interim parliament by July.)

Unprecedented speed

Working with unprecedented speed, the ConCon decided on Oct. 20, 1972 to suspend the rules requiring second and third readings and immediately put Marcos's awesome powers to a vote: 264 said "yes," while only 14 had the courage to vote "no" - among them, Marcelo Fernan, the late Supreme Court chief justice, Margarito Teves, now finance secretary, and Macapagal's provincemate, Jose Suarez.

Several other ConCon delegates had been hauled to prison when martial law was declared and they refused to endorse the new charter; among them, businessman Jose Concepcion Jr., economist Alejandro Lichauco, Antonio Araneta, former vice president Teofisto Guingona Jr., and Sen. Aquilino Pimentel Jr.

Among the many who voted yes were former Supreme Court chief justice Hilario Davide Jr., Supreme Court associate justice Adolfo Azcuna, Senators Edgardo Angara and Richard Gordon, lawyer Romeo Capulong, the late senator Raul Roco and former senator Heherson Alvarez.

Floor leader Arturo Pacificador later recalled that the rules suspension was meant "to expedite proceedings" but Diaz said the actual effect was that, "nobody had a chance to restudy and reread the entire thing."

In 1984, Macapagal told this reporter that these provisions were "known to have been prepared in Malacañang." Yet he never opposed them during deliberations.

On Oct. 23, 1972, Macapagal steered the convention to suspend its rules for good and form a smaller body, the 166-man Special Committee, to draft a completely new charter. The next day, he convened the Special Committee and appointed political scientist Jose Abueva as its secretary. Macapagal would say later, "I was agreeable to the 166-man committee because in spite of my limited authority as president, I could have some say on the committee's work."